The sorts of regimes that today predominate in the Arab world have nothing in common with the populist or nationalist regimes that inaugurated the postindependence era. A new era is emerging in Arab politics today, one in which the state will increasingly be forced to retreat before a vibrant civil society. The initial youth-led new social movements were non-ideological, leaderless and lacking in clear organizational structures. Instead, it indicates changes in the dominant Salafi-oriented approach to religion that characterizes most Sunni Islamists and many alleged post-Islamists. The first part of the article gives a brief history of corruption in Algeria since independence. With unification, each believed that it would do relatively well in the elections, maintaining its own base while winning support in the territory of the other. They act as if they are the legitimate proprietors of whole states, whose resources and even populations the rulers may use according to their whims.
The main argument presented in this paper is that the scope of work of civil society organizations, in addition to their freedom of action, is directly linked to the social, political and economic development of the state. This article explores the utility of social movement theory, reviewing conceptual developments an. However, the novel character of these movements limited their potential to exploit the political openings they created. After defining the notion of Islamism in the first section, I shall give an assessment of the popularity of Islamism. It examines civil society in the Arab world in order to illustrate how authoritarian constraints structure civil society dynamic. Bearing this in mind, we must take into view the whole of the system.
This article explores the utility of social movement theory, reviewing conceptual developments and its application to Middle East cases before examining its relevance to the Arab Uprising. Where it is able to establish formal democracy, with a constitution and free elections, it must count on their being undermined if fundamental societal power relations and income distribution remain unchanged. Although some might think this idea long dead, it has lately reappeared in the guise of cultural relativism. Building on extensive fieldwork, this article explores Algerian associations at grass-roots level, after the decade of violence in the 1990s. This study explores one possible explanation—the implication of different sources of financing for operational autonomy from the state, business, and transnational organizations. The pre-existing mobilizing structures and the reproduction of patterns of centre-periphery tension in the course of the contention have fostered a progressive localization of protest in the region, which has strengthened regional identity and regionalist activism in the Rif. Is it valid to speak of a Global South? Through an analysis of the specific legal and political constraints on associational life, and the impact of these on relations between different civic groups, and between associations and state authorities, the book demonstrates that the claim that civil society plays a positive role in processes of democratic transformation is highly questionable.
One of the trials in this scandal began in January 2007. The analysis is based on data from first-hand information obtained through interviews with members of several Egyptian parties. On the other, empowered new patrons of the arts, thriving on their discourse of alterity as champions of the authentic art of dissent, use posters of music festivals to embody resistance. As the protest movements spread, they grew to encompass a diverse array of other movements and actors: The breadth and diversity of these coalitions made the successful achievement of their core demands for regime change possible. This paper contributes to filling this gap by examining these relations and their implications in the Turkish context. Contents: Book Cover; Title; Copyright; Contents; Acknowledgements; List of organizations -- interviews; Introduction; 1 Civil society in the Arab world; 2 Associational life under authoritarian constraints; 3 Algeria; 4 Morocco; 5 Jordan; 6 Yemen; 7 Lebanon; 8 The dynamics of civic activism in the Arab world; Notes; Bibliography; Index.
However, when it comes to the Middle East and North Africa, such activism is considered to be detrimental to democratisation because the predominant role is played by Islamist groups. To say that someone is Muslim tells us little regarding that person's views on politics. Leaders of today's non-violent protests are successfully increasing political pressures which may soon lead to a change in Yemen's government. My second remark is that the notion of competitive elections reveals little of the cruel realities of the oppression to which Arab societies have been subjected over the last three decades. It would, however, be unwise simply to infer from that past equilibrium - largely maintained through the sovereign's personal skill - that this unique Moroccan political system is inherently capable of surviving without major adjustment.
Power-sharing is necessary not only because Muslims differ as to the most beneficial relationship of mosque and state but also because such divisions often provoke concerns that election victors will impose their particular vision of Islam on others. Finally in that the governance trajectories of Arab uprising states have become hostage to the regional struggle for power, the project has implications for historical sociology's view of the co-constitution of states and states systems. Surprisingly, however, these regimes are stable. The foregoing provides students with a critical lens to examine the ambiguities of the identity of the Global South. The influence of civil society and of the middle class on governments was far less significant than that of tribal chiefs, religious leaders, and military officers. It refers to the tribal culture and the tribal system that is often continued in the governmental structures of these countries with a relative homogeneous society having one religion and sharing one language. This, in turn, may have implications for future stability.
Associational Life under Authoritarian Constraints 3. As a result, recognition of the heterogeneous and multilocal nature of the uprisings, as well as their causes, has only marginally translated into serious European Neighbourhood Policy reform. In exploring these questions, both Mohamed Talbi and Emmanuel Sivan focus on the nature and the politics of the contemporary Arab state and reach conclusions that are quite pessimistic. From initial optimism about the potential of associations to contribute to democratization, much recent literature has been increasingly pessimistic, framing associations as part of the problem of failed political transformations. While not disputing their analyses of the Arab state, I believe that, by ignoring civil society, they miss an important aspect of the larger picture, one that provides much greater ground for optimism about democratic prospects in the Arab world. The democracy promotion strategies of Western policy-makers have, therefore, been based on strengthening civil society in authoritarian settings in order to support the development of social capital -to challenge undemocratic regimes. As Kazakhstan aims to become one of the top 30 developed countries by 2050, it is increasingly turning to ways which will improve its governance, one of which is greater participation by its citizens in the decision-making processes of state agencies.
Heads of states, even if they hold elections, are never voted out of office; despite the dismal performance of corrupt and unpopular governments, rulers retain power for many years, often for life. What are the political implications of the knowledge production about the Global South? Its influence on law-making is real. Because the resulting amalgam of ideas and symbols points in many and even contradictory directions, in no sense can it be said that the Islamic faith itself requires consensual politics. I contest the thesis within the theory of democratic transition that national cohesion and ethnic homogeneity are essential preconditions for democracy. The resulting state fragmentation has obstructed democratic transition in Syria and constrained its consolidation in Iraq. Politics becomes 'fragmented' when 'loyalty' to the state's discourse of 'citizenship' and 'identity', becomes the one distinguishing feature by which political community is defined and membership within it is determined.